The question is: how did things reach this point?

They say the press conference was meant to address Afghanistan’s cross-border incursions and the proxy wars being waged within our country. Yet somehow, a political party was dragged into the storm. Critics claim the journalists present weren’t local — that they were “brought in a military truck” from Islamabad. But honestly, does it matter where a journalist comes from? A journalist is a journalist — whether he’s from D.G. Khan or from the DG’s office.

Let’s dig deeper. How much truth lies in the allegations? How far has PTI gone in facilitating the TTP?

Journalist Amjad Bukhari wrote on his Facebook wall that, right after the army spokesperson’s press conference, a tweet from Adiala Jail appeared: “This decision was not ours.”

After going through reports, videos, and Google searches, it becomes clear that the PTI government — and its leadership — repeatedly chose negotiation and reconciliation with the TTP. Those policies, however well-intended, risked re-energizing the same terror networks that once bled this nation.

The army, throughout history, has prioritized national security and public safety above all else. PTI’s approach, on the other hand, often leaned toward accommodation — and that has left internal security on a knife’s edge.

Let’s recall some moments:

1.      26 September 2013: Imran Khan proposed that the government allow the TTP to open a political office in Pakistan to start peace talks.

2.      1 October 2021: Khan stated that the government was engaged in reconciliation talks with certain factions of the TTP.

3.      10 December 2021: He reaffirmed that discussions with TTP splinter groups were ongoing “for the sake of peace.”

4.      15 October 2021: Khan remarked that most Pashtuns sympathized with the Afghan Taliban and TTP — not due to religious ideology, but ethnic affinity.

5.      2 February 2023: Khan defended a plan to resettle thousands of TTP fighters in Pakistan after the fall of Kabul.

6.      5 August 2024: He argued against a military operation, saying it would “deepen internal divides” and prolong the war on terror.

7.      10 September 2025: He called military action against the TTP “foolish” and urged dialogue with the Afghan Taliban instead.

Even an ordinary observer can now see how deep this romance with the TTP ran.
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s former Chief Minister, Ali Amin Gandapur, too, repeatedly sought “cross-border conversations.”

Now, one could argue there’s no harm in dialogue — after all, conflicts end at the negotiating table. If Israel and Hamas can agree to a ceasefire, why not Pakistan and the TTP factions sheltered in Afghanistan?

But the situation has shifted. The Afghan government now leans toward India — their foreign minister receives special protocol in New Delhi, where he hurls accusations against Pakistan. Our own defense minister admits relations are worsening.

From Kabul’s perspective, it’s understandable: when Pakistan inches closer to the U.S., Afghanistan will naturally turn to other allies for its own survival. And India, despite its global isolation, finds in Kabul a willing partner — just as Kabul finds in Delhi a convenient embrace.

As the villagers’ viral saying goes:
“When two mismatched brides are wed, it means — no one wanted you, and no one would give me away.”

In truth, had we not silenced the cries and screams of FATA’s people, we might not be wiping these tears today.
Those muffled screams have now returned — transformed into tears streaming down tired faces.

We said it then, and we say it now: you are doing it wrong.
The scent of peace cannot bloom from the smoke of gunpowder.
From destinies written in blood, love never emerges — only hatred.